Monday, September 10, 2012

World Police


             Maps of the world have clearly defined lines marking the end of one country and the start of the next. On paper, it all seems easy enough to understand. The reality is slightly harder to define. Countries interfere with each other’s agendas for their own benefit regardless of where their boarders lie. History is full colonialism, imperialism, and spheres of influence. Have these counties overstepped their bounds? What qualifies for intervention and does it matter how justified a country is in their actions? The United States and some of its presidents have come to the conclusion that economics is just as much a matter of national security as any threat of direct physical harm (Klare, 2005). This position is well outlined in a text entitled Blood and Oil: The Dangers and Consequences of America’s Growing Dependency on Imported Petroleum, by Michael Klare. The main economic commodity Klare examines is petroleum, as the title of his book no doubt hints. The United States has left its boarders behind in the name of its own security in ways that are invasive and yet devious enough to ensure the flow of their economic lifeblood without complete occupation or control.
            The most obvious show of security has been the creation of military bases around the world. Tampa, Florida is the location of the U.S. Central Command or Centcom and it oversees all military action in the Persian Gulf (Klare, 2005). These actions generally have to do with the continued flow of oil. Klare outlines four other commands around the world including “the Southern Command, based in Miami; the European Command, based in Stuttgart; the Pacific Command, based in Honolulu; and the Northern Command, based in Colorado Springs.” (2005, P.1). While these Commands provide a definite sense of security, it should be asked weather action should be taken through any of them for economic gain. No matter the reasons given for entering conflicts, a significant number of interventions seem to occur in oil regions. These conflicts include the Iraq War, Afghanistan War, Persian Gulf War, and Iran-Iraq War (Klare, 2005).
            The United States of American and its leaders are addicted to oil. In 2005, when this book was written, Klare wrote that: “Petroleum provides approximately 40 percent of the nation’s total energy supply – far more than any other source.” (2005, p. 7). The United State’s actions abroad are largely due to the fact that the peak for U.S. oil production occurred in 1972 (Klare, 2005).  Rather than look to less versatile, yet local energy sources, the U.S. has bet its economic growth in the future on the continued use of oil. This is a problem because many of the regions with oil are unstable and therefore subjects the U.S. economy to any form of turbulence within these regions. In this way, the United States economy has become at least partly out of U.S. control. In his book, Klare quotes the Center for Strategic and International Studies conclusion that “As the world’s only superpower, [the United States] must accept its special responsibility for preserving access to worldwide energy supply.” (2005, p. 14). This is a pompous and metaling statement to make as it implies that the U.S. has the right to interfere in other countries affairs because it is in the best position to do so. It is with this kind of rationalization that the U.S. has strove forward as a sort of world police, regardless of weather any other countries agree.
            Many former Presidents of the United States have contributed to foreign interventions through acts and doctrines that serve energy interests. Roosevelt’s use of the Lend-Lease Act to trade protection for oil access basically allowed the U.S. to trade guns for oil (Klare, 2005). It is hard to imagine how giving protection and arms to unstable regions stabilizes them in the long run or is in the best interests of the other countries around the world. The Truman, Eisenhower, and Nixon Doctrines all served to protect foreign interests through military aide (Klare, 2005). This type of interaction may seem to diffuse possible unstable situations, but the discontent it creates is far more damaging.
            What country’s people wouldn’t despise a foreign enforcer that favors stability over justice? Many of the leaders the U.S. has helped have oppressed their people. In this sense, the U.S. is acting less like a world Police and more like a selfish entity committed to its own interests at the expense of others. Terrorism may not be a diplomatic approach to solving western interference, but countries cannot interfere as invasively as the U.S. has without consequences. On top of that, going against foreign religious ideals invites violence on a very personal level. This is why it is not surprising that Bin Laden would do the things he did. The United States violated religious values and stepped within borders for their own personal interests, Al Qaeda attacks were bound to happen as indeed they did. The SANG headquarters, Khobar Towers, and other attacks may be travesties, but they do not appear to have been unprovoked (Klare, 2005). The United State’s indignation over these acts of violence seems misplaced when so much unwanted interference has been allowed.
            The United States may be a world police of sorts, but they appear not to see justice as there most important objective. It would seem that they are police of their own interests and those of other westernized countries. This is just another name and technique for previous forms of imperialism used to acquire other nations wealth for those who have over exploited their own. It should not be up to the United States or any other country to exert this kind of control. The United States needs to mind its own business and stop further unbalancing other parts of the world. This is most definitely easier said then done, but necessary if for moral reasons if nothing else.

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